Although the Nintendo Switch 2 has yet to be officially announced,
Nintendo has confirmed that the announcement is coming within the fiscal
year - which means before 31 March 2025. Based on the reveal and
release of the original Nintendo Switch, it seems safe to assume that it
will then release later that same year. This lines up with previous
reports from the Japanese media outlet Nikkei that suggest that the console is set to release in 2025.
Nintendo Switch Pro: price speculation
The
Nintendo Switch launched for $259.99 / £259.99 / AUD$435, with the
newer Nintendo Switch OLED then available for $349.99 / £309.99 /
AU$539.95. Given that the Nintendo Switch 2 will likely feature improved
hardware compared to both models, the asking price is very likely to
come in higher than these figures.
For some additional
perspective, the PS5 and Xbox Series X sell for $499.99 / £479.99 /
AU$799.95 and $499 / £449 / AU$749 respectively. Nintendo often aims to
undercut its competition, offering lower spec hardware at a more
affordable price.
With
this in mind, we wouldn't be surprised if the Nintendo Switch 2 is
priced around $399.99 / £399.99 / AU$699.95 or even slightly lower to
keep the competitive edge. That said, you should bear in mind that this
figure is purely an educated guess for the time being.
Nintendo Switch 2: rumored spec
The most recent rumours regarding potential Nintendo Switch 2 specs come from a spec sheet created by the YouTube content creator Paul Eccleston or “RedGamingTech”. As explained by Tom’s Hardware,
Eccleston supposedly made the spec sheet with information from his own
sources and a report by the Korean United Daily News. This spec sheet
suggests that the Nintendo Switch 2 will feature an eight core
Cortex-A78AE processor, 8GB of RAM, and 64GB of internal eMMC storage.
While this is not particularly impressive compared to the PS5 or Xbox
Series X, it would still represent an improvement in power compared to
all of the current Nintendo Switch models.
That same source also
indicates that the Nintendo Switch 2 could offer hugely improved battery
life, in addition to a 120 Hz refresh rate with a 7-inch OLED display.
In terms of overall design, Ecclestone says that it is likely to be
similar to that of the Nintendo Switch OLED.
Interestingly, this contradicts older rumors that suggested we may see a mini-LED display used for the screen. According to a report by Taiwan’s Economic Daily News, a Nintendo Switch successor could sport mini-LED screens supplied by Innolux.
Going back even further, Wccftech
reported that a data miner known as "SciresM" had claimed to have found
a reference to a new Nintendo Switch model within the Nintendo Switch’s
latest firmware update under the codename 'Aula'. Rather than being
within the Nintendo Switch itself, this source argues that the hardware
improvement “might be inside a new dock and not inside the tablet". They
do note, however, that "there’s no way to tell from the firmware code
yet.”
We've also seen some Nintendo Switch Pro rumors thanks to a leaked Nvidia
email which suggested the existence of the Tegra239 SoC (system on a
chip). Reportedly, this was being designed specifically for an upcoming
Nintendo Switch model, which could very well mean the Nintendo Switch 2.
Nintendo Switch Pro: latest news and rumors
A Nintendo Switch successor will be announced "within this fiscal year"
In a post tothe
official Nintendo X / Twitter corporate account on May 7 2024, the
company confirmed that a "successor to the Nintendo Switch" will be announced "within this fiscal year".
As the Japanese fiscal year ends on March 31 2025, we now know for sure
that we will getting an official announcement before that date.
Nintendo Switch 2 reportedly delayed until 2025
As spotted by Tom's Guide,
known leaker "Moore's Law is Dead" joined the many sources saying that
the Nintendo Switch 2 had been delayed until at least 2025.
Interestingly, they provided some additional insight that was supposedly
gleaned through their NVIDIA
contacts. According to this leaker, the physical hardware powering the
Nintendo Switch 2 has been ready for some time but Nintendo has been
holding off on revealing the system in order to ensure adequate stock at
launch - which lines up with other reports.
Nintendo president denies Nintendo Switch 2 developer briefings
Following our report that Nintendo Switch 2 tech demos took place at Gamescom 2023,
which was confirmed by our own sources, Nintendo company president
Shuntaro Furukawa denied that any such briefings took place. Speaking to
the Japanese newspaper Mainichi, Furukawa described the briefings as
"rumours" that "are inaccurate."
Nintendo has briefed Activision on a Nintendo Switch successor
In September 2023 an internal email that was unearthed as part of the now resolved FTC lawsuit over Microsoft's Activision Blizzard Acquisition revealed that Activision executives had been briefed
about the existence of the "NG Switch" - a potential Switch successor.
The email suggests that the Nintendo Switch 2 could offer performance
that is roughly on par with a PlayStation 4 or Xbox One, which would
definitely make sense if it maintained the handheld form factor of its
predecessor.
A Nintendo executive hinted at backwards compatibility
Going back even further, a Nintendo executive hinted at the possibility that the Nintendo Switch 2 could be backwards compatible
in June 2023. Speaking in a shareholder Q&A session that was
translated from Japanese, the executive stated that "[Nintendo] will do
our best to make the transition smooth for our customers" when new
hardware arrives.
Could the Nintendo Switch 2 have VR support?
While
Nintendo has experimented with virtual reality (VR) functionality
through Nintendo Labo, delivering a true VR in the vein of Sony's PSVR 2
would demand some pretty beefy hardware. While not totally impossible,
it seems unlikely that Nintendo would be able to put out a handheld
gaming system with console-quality graphics that also supports VR
gaming.
In a concurring opinion in Trump v. United States, Supreme
Court Justice Clarence Thomas highlighted “another way in which this
prosecution” — led by Special Counsel Jack Smith — “may violate our
constitutional structure.” Specifically, Thomas writes that “the
Attorney General purported to appoint a private citizen as Special
Counsel to prosecute a former President on behalf of the United States”
but he’s “not sure that any office for the Special Counsel has been
‘established by Law,’ as the Constitution requires.”
“Few things would threaten our constitutional order more than
criminally prosecuting a former President for his official acts,” Thomas
explains in his concurring opinion. “Fortunately, the Constitution does
not permit us to chart such a dangerous course.”
Thomas explains that the Constitution requires Congress
to create any federal offices “by law” as an “important check against
the President” who “cannot create offices at his pleasure.” As such, if
“there is now law establishing the office that the Special Counsel
occupies, then he cannot proceed with this prosecution” because a
“private citizen cannot criminally prosecute anyone, let alone a former
president.”
Noting that “[n]o former President has faced criminal
prosecution for his acts while in office in the more than 200 years
since the founding of our country…despite numerous past president taking
actions that many would argue constitute crimes,” Thomas warns that if
Special Counsel Smith’s “unprecedented prosecution is to proceed, it
must be conducted by someone duly authorized to do so by the American
people.”
Outlining the process by which presidents can appoint individuals as
officers of the United States via nominations for someone who must then
be confirmed by the U.S. Senate, with limited exceptions for inferior
officers authorized by some heads of federal departments. “As relevant
here, a ‘Hea[d] of Department’ — such as the Attorney General — is one
such actor that Congress may authorize ‘by law’ to appoint inferior
officers without senatorial confirmation,” Thomas explains.
However, “[b]efore the President or a Department Head
can appoint any officer…the Constitution requires that the underlying
office be ‘established by Law,'” continues Thomas. “Although the
Constitution contemplates that there will be ‘other Officers of the
United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided
for,’ it clearly requires that those offices ‘shall be established by
Law,'” meaning “an office that Congress creates ‘by statute.'”
This check on presidential power, like many others enshrined in the
Constitution, comes from abuses of power of the King of England. A brief
history lesson from Thomas explains that our “Founders broke from the
monarchial model by giving the President the power to fill offices (with
the Senate’s approval), but not the power to create offices…by
‘imposing the constitutional requirement that new officer positions be
‘established by Law’ rather than through a King-like custom of the head
magistrate unilaterally creating new offices.'”
In the past, the federal government has adhered to this
constitutional principle, such as when “Congress created an office for a
‘special counsel’ to investigate the Teapot Dome Scandal and pursue
prosecutions,” Thomas reminds. “We cannot ignore the importance that the
Constitution places on who creates a federal office,” he further
cautions.
“To guard against tyranny, the Founders required that a federal
office be ‘established by Law,'” says Thomas. “As James Madison
cautioned, ‘[i]f there is any point in which the separation of the
Legislative and Executive powers ought to be maintained with greater
caution, it is that which relates to officers and offices.'”
Put succinctly by Thomas: “If Congress has not reached a consensus
that a particular office should exist, the Executive lacks the power to
create and fill an office of his own accord.”
When Attorney General Merrick Garland named Jack Smith as Special
Counsel, “he did not identify any statute that clearly creates such an
office…[n]or did he rely on a statute granting him the authority to
appoint officers as he deems fit, as the heads of some other agencies
have,” writes Thomas. “Instead, the Attorney General relied upon several
statutes of a general nature,” none of which “appears to create an
office for the Special Counsel, and especially not with the clarity
typical of past statutes used for that purpose.”
More from Thomas on his questions about the special counsel’s legality:
Even if the Special Counsel has a valid office,
questions remain as to whether the Attorney General filled that office
in compliance with the Appointments Clause. For example, it must be
determined whether the Special Counsel is a principal or inferior
officer. If the former, his appointment is invalid because the Special
Counsel was not nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate,
as principal officers must be… Even if he is an inferior officer, the
Attorney General could appoint him without Presidential nomination and
senatorial confirmation only if “Congress…by law vest[ed] the
Appointment” in the Attorney General as a “Hea[d] of Department.” … So,
the Special Counsel’s appointment is invalid unless a statute created
the Special Counsel’s office and gave the Attorney General the power to
fill it “by Law.”
The concern about whether the Special Counsel’s office was lawfully
established “is not a trifling technicality,” Thomas writes. “If
Congress has not reached a consensus that a particular office should
exist, the Executive lacks the power to unilaterally create and then
fill that office. Given that the Special Counsel purports to wield the
Executive Branch’s power to prosecute, the consequences are weighty,” he
notes.
“Our Constitution’s separation of powers, including its separation of
the powers to create and fill offices, is ‘the absolutely central
guarantee of a just Government’ and the liberty that it secures for us
all,” Thomas emphasizes. “There is no prosecution that can justify
imperiling it.”
Quoting from a Scalia dissent in Morrison v. Olson, Thomas
says that while “the separation of powers may prevent us from righting
every wrong, it does so in order to ensure that we do not lose liberty.”
Late
last week, the Biden administration came out with a statement claiming
that it does not support so-called gender-affirming” surgery for
minors.The statement came in response to an article from The New York
Times in response to an article reporting that Biden administration
staff pressured a transgender health organization to remove age restrictions for sex reassignment surgery from its treatment guidelines for minors.
The pressure to remove age minimums for surgery was spearheaded by U.S. Adm. Rachel Levine, who is transgender, and his staff. Emails showing this were shared by the Times. Here’s what the Biden administration said in response (via NYT):
“Adm. Levine shared her view with her staff that publishing the proposed lower ages for gender transition surgeries was not supported by science or research, and could lead to an onslaught of attacks on the transgender community,” an H.H.S. spokesman said in a statement on Friday
evening.Federal officials did not elaborate further on the
administration’s position regarding the scientific research or on Adm.
Levine’s role in having the age minimums removed.The administration,
which has been supportive of gender-affirming care for transgender youth, expressed opposition only to surgeries for minors, not other treatments.
Levine’s pressured the World Professional Association for Transgender Health to remove age limits for so-called “gender-affirming” surgeries for transgender minors. The New York Times reported that the Biden administration believed that age minimums on this kind of treatment could “fuel growing political opposition to such treatmenOne email excerpt from an unnamed member of the WPATH guideline development group recalled that they had a conversation with Levine’s chief of staff, Sarah Boateng. They wrote, “She is confident, based on the rhetoric she is hearing in D.C., and from what we have already seen, that these specific listings of ages, under 18, will result in devastating legislation for trans care. She wonders if the specific
ages can be taken out.”Another email claimed that Levine “was very
concerned that having ages (mainly for surgery) will affect access to
care for trans youth and maybe adults, too. Apparently the situation in the U.S.A. is terrible and she and the Biden administration worried that having ages in the document will make matters worse. She asked us to remove them.”A fact sheet from the White House on “Transgender Day of Visibility” in 2022 showed that the Biden administration was committed to “advancing equality” for transgender Americans, including children. One way this was done was by “providing resources for transgender kids and their families” through tax dollars. According to the fact sheet, tax dollars are used to provide mental health resources to help “trans” children, expand training at schools to “support transgender and nonbinary students,” and to confirm “positive impact of gender affirming care on youth mental health,” which includes sex change surgeries (via The White House)
The National Child Traumatic Stress Network NCTSN), which is administered by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, is releasing new information for providers
confirming that providing gender-affirming care is neither child
maltreatment nor malpractice.[…]The Office of the Assistant Secretary
for Health has developed a resource to inform parents and guardians, educators, and other persons supporting children and adolescents with information on what is gender-affirming care and why it is important to transgender, nonbinary, and other gender expansive young people’s well-being.