Recently, during the confusion,
the anger, the controversy over the memorandum of understanding
concerning negotiations that will ensue with the United States and Iran,
JD Vance, our vice president, was tasked with visiting the media and
being the public spokesman on behalf of the memorandum.
It wasn’t an enviable job. He’s very skilled. I think we all admire him a great deal.
But one of the strange things that
followed was there was criticism in Israel, and that would be natural.
We are a large country and very powerful, and we’re 7,000 miles away
from Iran. Israel is a very small country of roughly 10 million people,
and it’s right proximate to Iran. So obviously, our ultimate strategic
aims and agendas are not always identical.
But Vance made the argument
that there were people in the Israeli Cabinet who were too critical of
the deal, and he wanted to kind of slap them down and say, no one likes
you in the world except … I should say supports you except us, i.e., you
should show more gratitude.
No. 2, we give you over $3 billion of aid,
and 75% of your missile defense is contingent upon us. Donald Trump,
see, is your best friend you’ll ever have, as you have acknowledged
yourself.
And fourth, the United States policy is the United States policy. It’s not affected by other people trying to influence it.
This was kind of extraordinary because in
that speech, he was more critical of the Israelis, really, than he was
of the Iranians because he talked in the sense that we’re dealing with
Iranian moderates, and there are people who might emerge as a new Iran.
He didn’t have that tolerance, it seems, for our ally Israel.
The question of whether Israel is an asset?
Yes, we give over $3.5 billion to Israel, but unlike all of the other
money that we give—we give $1 billion to Egypt, we give almost $1
billion to Jordan. Both, by the way, are autocracies. They’re not
constitutional systems or consensual governments like Israel
that’s Western. And we gave $17 billion—$17 billion, six times what we
gave Israel—as late as 2023. I think it’s been over $100 billion so
far.
So, Israel’s not the only recipient of
U.S. aid, but unlike all the other recipients, maybe with the exception
of Ukraine lately, it’s a strategic partner. Its intelligence is vital
to our knowledge of the Middle East, especially of terrorists, which it
shares daily with us.
It is a laboratory of U.S. weapons. Every
day they are flying F-15s, F-16s—latest models of each—F-35s, using
Patriot missiles. And almost daily they consult with our people
and say, this is what we’ve learned as a flaw. This is
what we’ve learned as unrealized advantages. And that knowledge is
incorporated into our defense profile.
Another thing that was—so it is an asset,
and this is quite aside from the idea that there are commonalities
between Israel and the West in general and the United States in
particular.
We both are part of a long Judeo-Christian
moral tradition. We both are consensual governments. We both
have freedoms. Israel is not as other nations in the Middle
East, threatening death sentences to some people who say they want to
break away from their religion.
You can break away from Judaism if you
want in Israel. Try that in a Gulf state or Saudi Arabia in the case of
Islam, and you’re going to be in big, big trouble.
One of the things he said was that the
neocons—and we’ve heard that word neo, neo, neocons. That’s a term for
people who were, in the former decades of their life, their formative
decades, they were liberal, so we put the Greek prefix “neo,” meaning
new cons—and then they flipped during the Reagan years or the Bush years
into conservatives, and many of them were Jewish Americans, most
notably people like Donald Kagan, Norman Podhoretz, Irving Kristol.
Their children and others in the next
generation have been strong supporters, so the idea or the accusation is
we are going to war against Iran because a small influential group of
neocons feels their first loyalty is to Israel, and defending Israel is
not in the national interest because there are 550 million Muslims
surrounding Israel.
So, in terms of population or oil wealth,
they are geostrategically more valuable. That is not true in itself, but
what I’m curious about is: Who are the neocons?
If you look at the primary spokesman for
the neoconservative movement that happened incidentally to be Jewish,
they all detest Donald Trump now.
Bill Kristol,
he was the arch spokesman of the neoconservative movement. He’s
advocated voting for [Zohran] Mamdani. Professor Elliott Cohen,
radically anti-Trump. Washington Post columnist Max Boot, hysterically
anti-Trump. Former National Review writer Mona Charen, radically
anti-Trump. Jonah Goldberg bolted away from National Review, radically
anti-Trump. I could go on and list David Frum, radically anti-Trump.
Some of them in cases are voting Democrat even though the Democratic Party is now a socialist-Islamist party.
So, there is no neocon movement anymore that is an inside lobby for the Israelis.
Second point I want to make very
quickly is there is a larger climate on campuses today of
antisemitism. We’re seeing candidates like Mr. [Abdul] El-Sayed in the
Senate in Michigan, or we’re seeing Graham Platner, who are openly
anti-Israel, but also anti-Jewish.
And I think I could be frank and say, if
you are a Jewish American, you cannot run on a national ticket on the
Democrat side. If Joe Lieberman were going to be nominated today, it
would be impossible to be a vice presidential candidate as he was in
2004. The antisemitism is so marked and explicit in the Democratic Party.
So, we have to be very careful when we
talk about inside influence and a general climate where already Jews are
unfairly targeted and suspect.
And I’ll finish with Lebanon.
Donald Trump was critical as well. He said, you can’t blow up a whole
building when a Hezbollah person walks in. And I think JD said something
to the effect—I’m just paraphrasing—you can’t kill your way out of your
problem.
But if you say to Lebanon and you say to
Israel, tomorrow, just don’t fire, either one of you. Israel will be
fine with that. The people who are breaking the truce are Hezbollah,
which has hijacked the Lebanese government. The Lebanese government
hates Hezbollah just as much as we do and just as much as Israel does.
But Hezbollah isn’t even a nation. It is terrorist thuggery. Its
relation to Lebanon is like the cartel’s relation to Mexico.
And they are attacking Israel daily. They
had 160,000 missiles originally. They have shot thousands into Israel.
Israel tries to be disproportionate, just like we are. If somebody
attacks us, we attack them 10 times harder. Why? To create deterrence.
So, when somebody shoots missiles or
drones at Israel and then runs back to the suburbs of Beirut and has
them stashed in the basement and thinks, you can’t hurt me,
Israel targets that basement. It does not blow up the entire apartment
building by intent. It tries to blow up the particular areas within the
apartment.
It is much more careful to target
individual Hezbollah killers than the Hezbollah people are willing to
target the IDF. They target everybody.
And again, if you don’t want Lebanon to be
an issue—and I don’t know why it’s even in a memorandum of
understanding. It has nothing to do with our effort to disarm
Iran—it shouldn’t be in there at all. That should be something the
Israelis handle and Hezbollah handles. And all we need to do is
say, don’t give money to Hezbollah. But that’s an Israeli-Hezbollah
question.
And Iran is desperately trying to cling onto something to get leverage, but we shouldn’t allow them that leverage.