Honneth’s thesis is that the struggle for recognition plays an important role in Hegel’s 1802 System of Ethical Life, but that by the time Hegel wrote the Phenomenology
in 1807, the struggle for recognition had receded to a minor role, and
had disappeared almost entirely in his later works. This is true. Until
Kojève popularised the “master-slave dialectic” in his lectures
published after World War Two, the “struggle for recognition” was a
relatively forgotten theme.
Honneth describes several interrelated changes in Hegel’s approach in comparing the method of the
System of Ethical Life and the fragments written a couple of years later. According to Honneth:
1. The System of Ethical Life
is based on an Aristotlean conception of natural ethical life; i.e.,
rather than the conception of isolated individuals coming together to
form a society, in the spirit of Machiavelli, Hobbes and Kant, Hegel
returns to the ancient conception of human beings as zoon politikon
in which political science is concerned with the training of citizens
in the virtues required for participation in political life. This is
supplanted in the later works by a philosophy of consciousness.
Here Spirit thus replaces Nature, giving much greater scope for the
development of cognitive and moral distinctions, but losing touch with
the roots of civilisation in the natural life of human beings.
2. In the System of Ethical Life the formation of ethical life is an agonistic
process, where development arises out of intersubjective conflict, but
in the later works social development is directly the self-formation of
spirit, through the mediation of language, tools and family property.
3. Only in the System of Ethical Life is the struggle for recognition a medium of individualisation and increasing ego-competence. The use of a philosophy of Spirit
distances Hegel from the explication of a process of simultaneous
emancipation and individuation and growing awareness of one another as
individuals, driven by the struggle for recognition.
4. Whereas the System of Ethical Life begins with people living in communities in which individualism and private property are unknown, in a philosophy of spirit, communicative relations between subjects can no longer be conceived as something that in principle precedes individuals. Elementary relations of communicative action (strong intersubjectivism)
are replaced by a confrontation of individuals with their (social)
environment — the relation of each isolated person to the State.
Conflict between individuals no longer represents a medium of consciousness formation, but merely a medium for integration into the community.
5. Whereas the System of Ethical Life has the character of a ‘history of society’, with the methodological change to a philosophy of Spirit,
Hegel gains the possibility for conceptually distinguishing more
precisely between the individual stages of consciousness formation.
However, the loss is that Hegel’s political philosophy becomes simply an
analysis of the education of the individual for society.
6. In the System of Ethical Life, the “struggle for recognition” makes two distinct appearances, (i) to describe the construction of relations of love and (ii) to describe the formation of legal relations between agents in civil society (rights),
but when Hegel comes to the third part of the work, “Constitution”, and
the exposition tails off into a series of headings, the opportunity to
elaborate a phase of the struggle for recognition in which the political
system is formed is not carried through. In the later works, the
“Constitution” falls back to being the concluding part of “objective
spirit”, and the crowning section of the whole system becomes “Absolute
Spirit”. Hegel never carried through the opportunity to elaborate the
formation of the state as a third phase of the struggle for recognition.
As a result, unlike
burgers,
citoyens are not
conceived as social persons who owe their capacities and qualities to
successful interaction with individuals who know themselves to be
citoyens. The categories with which Hegel operates refer not to interactions among
citoyens, but rather only to the relation of
citoyens to the State as the embodiment of Spirit, which is, moreover, a state of an
authoritarian type.
7. Whereas in the System of Ethical Life, crime
is driving force for the creation of property and law, in the later
works, Hegel makes no mention of progress that would affect the content
or structure of legal recognition as a result of challenges to the law.
Instead the universal will responds by re-establishing its power over
the breakaway individual.
8. Thus Hegel’s analysis fails
to live up to its own standards. He originally set out to interpret into
the criminal’s deed a radical demand for legal recognition which he
ultimately cannot integrate it into the framework of legal relations. He
thus fails to fulfil the suggestion that the development of legal
relations is itself once again subject to the normative pressure of a
struggle for recognition.
9. The respect of each and
every person for the biographical particularity of every other would
constitute the habitual underpinnings of a society’s common mores, but
Hegel can no longer entertain such a conception of ethical life, because
he conceives of the ethical sphere as a self-manifestation of Spirit.
The consciousness-theoretic foundations prevail over the
‘recognition-theoretic’ substance. According to Honneth, Hegel gives in
to the pressure to project into the organisation of the ethical
community the hierarchical schema of the whole and its parts, in terms
of which he had already laid out constitution of the ethical community
as Spirit’s act of reflection on its own externalisation.
10. Ethical life has become a monologically self-developing Spirit, rather than a demanding form of intersubjectivity.
11. Even though Hegel wanted to
understand the constitution of both the legal person and social reality
as stages of a formative process of Spirit, that did not prevent him
from making, within the framework of a philosophy of consciousness, the relationships of interaction between subjects the media
of these formative processes of the Spirit. Had he consistently carried
the logic of this process into the constitution of ethical community,
that would have opened up a form of social interaction in which each
person, in his or her individual particularity, could reckon with a
feeling of recognition based on what Honneth calls “solidarity”. A struggle for recognition at this
level would have made the centrality of the experience of risking one’s
life more plausible than it is in the context of conflicts over
individual property rights.
12. As a result, the
possibility of Hegel returning to the incomplete model of the ‘struggle
for recognition’, is blocked. Accordingly, in the later works, one finds
only traces of the earlier programme. But neither the intersubjectivist concept of human identity, nor the distinction of various media of recognition, nor the historically productive role for moral struggle acquire a systematic function within Hegel’s political philosophy.
A Response
I now want to respond to these observations, and the
drift of my response is that Honneth has correctly identified the
particular value of the young Hegel and what was lost in the move to his
mature works, though some qualifications need to be made. However,
attention needs to be given to what Honneth describes as the methodological advantage of the philosophy of consciousness as against the intersubjectivist
methodology. As a result, what I propose as the basis for further
development is a partial return to the mature Hegel in order to
successfully merge the intersubjective vitality of the young Hegel with the centrality of mediation in the mature Hegel.
“There is nothing, nothing in heaven, or in nature or in mind or anywhere else which does not equally contain both immediacy [Unmittelbarkeit] and mediation [Vermittlung], so that these two determinations reveal themselves to be unseparated and inseparable and the opposition between them to be a nullity.” [Hegel, Science of Logic]
1. Anyone who may be familiar
with Hegel’s later works and who may have thought that Hegel was a
philosopher whose ideas had social and political implications, when they
turn to the System of Ethical Life will quickly realise that
the truth is the other way around: Hegel’s primary concerns were
political, specifically how was Germany to become a modern nation. But
is it entirely true that it was only after writing the System of Ethical Life that Hegel seized upon the idea of giving his ideas the shape of a philosophy of consciousness?
The opening lines of the
System of Ethical Life are:
“Knowledge of the Idea of the absolute ethical order
depends entirely on the establishment of perfect adequacy between
intuition and concept, because the Idea itself is nothing other than the
identity of the two. But if this identity is to be actually known, it
must be thought as a made adequacy.”
and the first section on Absolute Ethical Life begins with the explanation:
“This absolute ethical life on the basis of relation, or natural ethical life must be so treated that (a) concept is subsumed under intuition and (b) intuition is subsumed under concept.”
So it would seem that while it remains true that it was the problems
of modern social and political life which were Hegel’s motivation, from
the outset he wanted to solve this problem in the terms of a philosophy
of consciousness. He saw that the theoretical problems of analysis and
the practical problems of social life were aspects of one and the same
process. Hegel’s bold move is to view the ideals reflected in
consciousness as objectively existing forms of life, rather than simply
as products of subjective thought. Further, he intends from the outset
to tackle the disconnection between the daily life of the people and the
intellectual life of the political elite in the very terms of the
deep-seated problems of Western philosophy which had so far barred the
way to a comprehension and solution of the problem of the state.
Consequently, without detracting from the criticisms Honneth makes in
respect to the cost of Hegel’s abandonment of the intersubjective
themes of the
System of Ethical Life, it seems that the aim of
constructing a philosophy of consciousness in order to explicate the
problems of modernity was present from the beginning. Nevertheless, the
terms quoted above about concept and intuition do not undergo very much
further development; the rest of the
System of Ethical Life
looks for all the world very much like a “history of society”. So not
only was the project of explicating the construction of human life by
means of intersubjective conflict left unfinished, so was the
elaboration of a philosophy of consciousness.
2. As impressive and dynamic as
is Hegel’s mature system, driven forward at every point by
contradiction, I think Honneth is right in observing that the
marginalisation of the drama of the direct struggle between two
self-consciousnesses represented a significant loss. However, it is not a philosophy of self-forming Spirit which steps into the place of intersubjective conflict, but the mediation of conflict. What is so uncharacteristic about the master-slave dialectic, for example, is the metaphor of a direct, i.e., unmediated, confrontation between two self-consciousnesses.
As the young Marx remarked on the
Philosophy of Right:
“This is a kind of mutual reconciliation society. It
is as if a man stepped between two opponents, only to have one of them
immediately step between the mediator and the other opponent. It is like
the story of the man and wife who quarrelled and the doctor who wished
to mediate between them, whereupon the wife soon had to step between the
doctor and her husband, and then the husband between his wife and the
doctor.” [Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right, Marx 1843]
The result is contradictory to say the least. Even though for Hegel “contradiction is the
root of all movement and vitality” [
Science of Logic], this movement takes the form of the successive
reconciliation
of contradiction. Moreover, it is precisely through these mediating
elements, such as tools, language, property, the State, that Spirit is
formed.
There can in fact never be such a thing as direct (
i.e.,
unmediated) contact between one self-consciousness and another. But
don’t we cry out against such an assertion! Good communication gives us
the illusion of directly accessing each other’s self-consciousness.
Thus, as Honneth observes, intersubjective conflict is not given up
in Hegel’s mature system and it does not cease to be the very engine and
medium of its formative process, but in the mature system, all
oppositions are
forms of mediation. The creative capacity of
conflict in Hegel’s work is inseparable from mediation; intersubjective
conflict is inconceivable without mediation, only in the
System of Ethical Life this is not yet developed.
3. Honneth claims that only in the System of Ethical Life is the struggle for recognition a medium of individualisation and increasing ego-competence. I question this. In the System of Ethical Life,
the media of individualisation and personal development are already the
mediating ideal elements of products of labour, language, property and
so on. Recognition functions as the immediate initiating
moment. Being already familiar with the description of recognition given
by Kojève, it is very easy to ascribe the whole dialectic to the
“struggle for recognition”, but is this the meaning given to
“recognition” by the young Hegel?
The Struggle for Recognition in Hegel’s System of Ethical Life
As Honneth points out, one of the difficulties of the
System of Ethical Life
is Hegel’s odd choice to locate the negative aspect of the transitions
through all the levels of the logical-historical exposition in a
separate, second section of the work, leaving the first section to rise
from natural ethical life to civil society through a process in which
the process of objectification, the internalisation of objective
activity and the differentiation of labour appears to happen through a
conflict-free ascending process. In later works, this negativity is
located within the exposition of each transition, and at the same time
the specific conception of the negativity as a “struggle for
recognition” is abandoned, in all but the single instance of the
formation of self-consciousness in the Master-Slave dialectic.
The one benefit of this construction is that it allows us to focus on
a concentrated passage of nine pages to study the form of the “struggle
for recognition” as it is presented in the
System of Ethical Life.
Hegel introduces the idea of negativity in the development of society
with a metaphor about the relation of sense perception and concepts,
continuing his theme of a philosophy of consciousness as the means to
clarify the nature of social life.
In this context “pure freedom” is found in activity for which the
concept (for example, property) is unknown — spontaneous collaboration
on one side and mutual indifference on the other. This work is difficult
to understand and not lacking in ambiguity, but I agree with Honneth
that the starting point, Nature, is a form of life in which property is
unknown because people are living in a “natural” community. It seems
that Hegel sees property (and therefore culture and ‘concept') arising
from a cycle which begins with defending oneself against “natural”
(unconscious) transgressions of one’s activity, transgressions which are
not of course ‘deliberate’ in the sense that initially there is no
concept, no property, and therefore the ‘transgression’ arises not from
an attack on property but from a non-recognition of personality and
property. In that sense then the attack comes from an outsider or
stranger; the assailant maybe human, but their action is in the same
category as a natural disaster or attack by a wild animal, and they are
not recognised, for their part, as human beings.
A “natural” activity is not something
known; it is not a
concept — until it has been taken away, and you become aware of it as a
loss; ideal in the sense that it exists now only in the mind, but still
determinate, since it has not been generalised. “But against this
negation there must be a reaction”, an attempt to restore the negated
conditions of natural activity. “The negating subject makes himself a
cause,...What he negated is equally to be negated in him”. [
System of Ethical Life, Part 2]
Hegel then moves to referring to the negating subject as the
“criminal”, and the action of the reacting subject as “revenge”. “The
criminal has directly injured something he regards as external and
foreign to himself”. That is, the criminal sees no property or right, no
personality, in the injured party. But the injured party will exact
revenge. In bringing this revenge upon itself “he has ideally injured
and cancelled himself”. Initially, “consciousness of this his own
destruction is a subjective and inner one, or a bad conscience. ... It
also manifests itself externally as avenging justice ... until it sees
the ideal reaction or reversal confronting it and threatening its
reality from without as its enemy”. “It begins to be satisfied because
it discerns the beginning of its own reality in its enemy. It produces
an attack on itself so as to be able to defend itself”. Hegel goes on to
describe how a return to mutual indifference does not suffice to
establish the ‘concept’. And “peace” only means that the fear of the
external enemy remains, and ultimately only annihilation of the enemy
will suffice.
Difficult as the text is, I must concur with Honneth that Hegel
appears to follow the emergence of subjectivity here from the view point
of the “criminal,” that is, from the point of view of the subject who
has unconsciously injured the other party, and followed up the initial
injury with the establishment of property rights and the annihilation of
the initially injured party. However, the concept of crime is to break a
law, and in the instance we are looking at there is no law to be
broken. What is violated is
natural activity, not “law”, something taken for granted, something natural, objective, purely determinate and not ideal.
Hegel looks at three
forms of the negation, viz., murder, revenge and war.
“Murder precludes the recognition of this relation [the transformation of specific determinacy into personality]”.
Revenge, reverses the form, i.e., one dead body is matched with
another, being that of the perpetrator, but “the real life properly
belonging to the spirit has remained; the spirit has preserved its body
and the murder has destroyed only one single member or organ of the
whole, and so this still living body, i.e., the family, takes on itself
the work of revenge”.
“The totality of this relation is what is rational and it
makes the middle term emerge.
The indifference of the justice which lies in revenge, but as something
material and external, enters the individuals as a like consciousness
of the emerging negation, and therefore the reality of this emergence is
alike too on both sides.”
The act of revenge eradicates the relation of indifference between
the families: “for revenge the avenger is not a stranger ... but a
member of a family ... Similarly the injurer is not a single individual;
it is not as single individual but as the member of a whole that he has
done injury”. ... “In this way, the middle term is directly posited at
the same time, i.e., negatively as the cancelling of superiority and
lack of consciousness in the one, and equality of peril for both, i.e.,
battle. ... Right is on the side that has been injured.”
However, if this activity of murder and revenge continues it can escalate to
war, and “
equality is what rules” ... “Both parties are identical”. “
Either neither party can prevail and the two sides return to a state of mutual indifference,
or one
party is defeated and completely subjugated and enslaved.” “In this
case it is a higher principle, not the trivial question of the original
injury that is decisive, but the greater or lesser strength ... with the
establishment of a relationship of mastery”.
I don’t think this can be squared with Honneth’s view that Hegel
“interprets into the criminal’s deed a radical demand for legal
recognition”; firstly, the initial “infringement” is unconscious;
secondly, the outcome is just as likely to be annihilation of the
criminal. All that matters when two parties go to war is their relative
strength.
Hegel’s exposition of these conflicts reads like the relations
between families, tribes and nations, rather than relations between
individuals, but my reading is that Hegel is talking about
“self-consciousness” in the broad sense, as social/historical agents,
whether collective or individual.
About honour: where an injury to the particular takes on the
implication of a threat to the totality, it is nothing to do with
“psychology” or chivalry, but the fact that a particular injury or
insult calls into question the whole personality of the injured party.
In a situation where there is no “higher authority”, the smallest
insult, if not restored, indeed opens the injured party to total loss of
rights and life. The act of revenge therefore is a necessary measure to
engender in the assailant party recognition of personhood at pain of
death. It doesn’t matter at what level this insult and restitution
occurs, if there is no existent means of mediation and law, life is
indeed on the line.
Nevertheless, when Hegel talks of annihilation and “mastery” I believe he is talking about the
ideal
element rather than simply the material annihilation of a people; more
likely, mutual recognition is established, but on terms dictated by one
party and not the other. This is how “the middle term” emerges.
What is particularly appealing about this part of Hegel’s writing is the personal,
immediate and dramatic character of the confrontation described, which is in such marked contrast to the mutual
indifference of the preceding relationship and the
mediated form of succeeding relationships. Those who feel that they are
not recognised
within a given social arrangement, who are subject to random incursions
against their livelihood and can only carry out random acts of revenge
or battle to restore their honour, for whom there is no court to whom
appeal could be made — such people, the excluded, could identify with
this.
Let us assume that the cycle of murder, revenge and war described by
Hegel is indicative of the general form of the struggle for recognition.
What sets the process in motion therefore is not necessarily murder,
but an injury done by one party to the other through failure of
recognition of the other as a human being, or a failure of a recognition
of a tie to something objective, such as in the usage of land, etc.,
intrusion into which threatens the livelihood and life of the other. The
cycle of counter-attacks which follow serve the function of forcing the
assailant to “get a conscience” a recognise the rights of the other.
Such a struggle for recognition cannot occur so long as people live in
indifference to one another. But material contact brings into question
the ties of each party to the material things subject to contact.
The point is that
mediation is constructed; normally people
interact within a social environment in which everything is highly
mediated; development happens through conflict and failures in
mediation, but it is not normally the case that one self-consciousness
confronts another in a life-and-death struggle without mediation. To
what extent can the “struggle for recognition” function as a “model” or
archetype for all conflict and development? To what extent can social
development, and the human condition generally, be understood in terms
of unmediated conflict?
Well Hegel of course would have been the last person to propose such a
thing. The whole development is outlined in the first part of
System of Ethical Life
with very little recourse to the notion of a struggle for recognition
at all, and as we know, in his later works, the role of the struggle for
recognition underwent further and further attenuation.
Honneth points out that in the
System of Ethical Life, the
struggle for recognition plays a key role in the formation of ties of
community and in the formation of property rights, and in the
Phenomenology
is retained just as a moment in the formation of self-consciousness.
Hegel, clearly, did not see the “struggle for recognition” as a concept
which could be generalised as a model for the process of “negation” in
the way it is placed in the
System of Ethical Life.
The fact remains of course, that at a certain point in history
failure of recognition emerged in far from primeval conditions, but more
of this later.
4. Honneth claims that in a philosophy of spirit, communicative relations between subjects can no longer be conceived as something that in principle precedes
individuals, and further that instead of shedding light on
person-to-person relations, a confrontation of individuals with society
and the State is thematised, and that conflict between individuals no
longer represents a medium of consciousness formation, but merely a medium for integration into the community.
Hegel was subject to criticism from a number of directions after his
death, some of which are not dissimilar to the points made here by
Honneth.
Honneth connects the move to a philosophy of spirit with the
marginalisation of the “struggle for recognition”, but let us separate
the question of a philosophy of spirit versus a theory of communicative
action, from the separate question of the proper place of unmediated
“struggle for recognition” within a theory of communicative action.
Marx for example responded to the idea of a Spirit which “remains in
the background, untouched and uninjured,” while “states, nations, and
individuals ... are all the time the unconscious tools and organs of the
world mind at work within them” with the dictum: “Men make their own
history, but ... under circumstances existing already, given and
transmitted from the past”.
But in any case, as Honneth points out, the adoption of a philosophy of spirit “that did not prevent him from making,
within the framework of a philosophy of consciousness, the relationships of interaction between subjects the
media of these formative processes of the Spirit”.
The real point is whether a theory of communicative action can be
rationally developed on the basis of intersubjective relations which
lack mediation.
When Honneth claims that elementary relations of communicative action
are replaced by Hegel with a confrontation of individuals with their
(social) environment and the State, he is decrying a conception of
communicative action which is essentially and necessarily
mediated.
So for example, when people talk, can we marginalise the fact that they communicate through
language?
when they work together, can we marginalise the means and relations of
production that are mobilised in the labour process? in domestic
activity, can we marginalise the place children play in the relation
between husband and wife or the family property in the relation between
parents and children? The questions are meant to be rhetorical. It was
Hegel’s view and I share the view, that sense can be made of
communicative action only by understanding the specific form of
mediation engaged in the communicative action. I have made a critique
elsewhere of Habermas’s theory of communicative action and everything I
said there stands in relation to a theory of communicative action built
around the metaphor of a struggle for recognition.
The distinctive feature of the “struggle for recognition” which
disappears in the developed Hegelian system is that the life-and-death
confrontation it portrays is
unmediated. The metaphor of a direct, unmediated contact between two self-consciousnesses also represents a
desire;
not only does the “struggle for recognition” capture the viewpoint of
the excluded, who are not recognised and “treated like doormats” within
the existing culture, it also captures the desire of the citizen of
modernity to recover real person-to-person immediacy in a world so
layered in text and mass-produced images that reality — direct, human
relationships — seems to have disappeared from view. The recognition
formerly accorded people through familial and professional relationships
is now swamped by external rewards of money and fame.
Now to Honneth’s point that without the struggle for recognition,
conflict between individuals can no longer constitute a medium of
consciousness formation, but merely a medium for
integration into
the community. This “allegation” has a ring of truth. Marx put it this
way: “The important thing is that Hegel at all times makes the Idea the
subject and makes the proper and actual subject ... the predicate. But
the development proceeds at all times on the side of the predicate.” I
think that the ring of truth in Honneth’s allegation reflects another
aspect of modernity: every manifestation of human creativity is subsumed
into and appears as the action of the generalised other, of
capital.
I think that Honneth’s observation has merit, but Hegel should be given
credit for expressing the power of capital so well as a philosophy of
Spirit. Hegel’s mature philosophy expresses the still-dominant truth of
the rule of capital, that human creative energies, far from expressing
freedom, are integrated into an alien, ruling power. As a result, the
idea of capturing the dynamics of the “struggle for recognition” as an
expression of consciousness formation acting within the rule of “Spirit”
is attractive, even if Hegel cannot be blamed for failing to do so.
5. Honneth refers to the change from the System of Ethical Life to the later works as a methodological change from a ‘history of society’ to a philosophy of Spirit.
While granting the advantage of a capacity to more precisely
distinguish between the individual stages of consciousness formation,
Honneth claims that the historical element lost from the ‘history of
society’ falls to the individual, so that Hegel’s political philosophy
becomes an analysis of the education of the individual for society.
I think that the historical character of the exposition in the
System of Ethical Life is unmistakable, and outside of the
Philosophy of History itself, the historical exposition nowhere else plays such a role as it does here. But Hegel does not of course claim that the
System of Ethical Life
is a work of history, and nor could he. This raises the question, as
valid for all the later works equally as for the early works, of the
relation Hegel intends between the
logical and
historical aspects of his exposition, as well as the ontogenetic and phylogenetic historical expositions within the
Phenomenology and the
Encyclopedia.
In the first place, although the historical method of presentation of
the whole system is not later adopted in quite the direct way as it is
in the
System of Ethical Life, it pervades the whole work; it
would be impossible to read Hegel’s mature work without gaining an
insight into culture as historical constructs. Hegel’s work is not so
much a work of history, but a logical reconstruction which allows
history to do its work, and that is how a ‘history of society’ becomes a
philosophy of spirit. Our work now is to logically reconstruct the
“struggle for recognition” from the material given by history. But
history poses the question from which logical enquiry begins only at the
end of the story. Thus the logical and historical enquiries proceed in
opposite directions.
In the second place, Hegel’s work can never be read like a story from
beginning to end; it is always many stories one within the other, each
providing the beginnings and endings for other stories within the
construction. The starting point for a child, for instance, is the adult
world into which they are born, which is to be the end point for their
own development, or rather its negative, for the world will have changed
by the time they grow up and join the world of adults. History on the
other hand, always begins with fully competent and independent adults,
and winds up with citizens more dependent than ever on their social
environment.
I question the assertion that the mature Hegelian system is any less
historical than his early work, but I think the fact remains that
Honneth has identified an element which was contained within the
“struggle for recognition” which is lacking in the mature system, but I
think it is one which was not available to Hegel, simply because the
“struggle for recognition” in the sense in which we have come to
understand it, had not yet been posed by history in Hegel’s time. More
of this later.
6. Honneth points out that
while a struggle for recognition was used to describe the basic bonds of
love and the constitution of the relations of mutual respect between
property-owners, no such struggle for recognition was used in the
construction of the state and the formation of political consciousness.
That is to say, Hegel failed to outline the necessary formative
intersubjective experiences that would allow people to know themselves
as political actors. Instead Honneth argues, a person’s development as a
political actor or citoyen is centred on his relation to the
State, an authoritarian state. Later Honneth refers to the particular
kind of self-affirmation which forms the basis for the development of
such a social and political consciousness as “solidarity”.
I think this is a profound observation. The word “solidarity” — in German
solidarität — did not enter the language until 1848, from the French
solidarité,
and in both cases they entered the language via the workers’ movement.
That is, the concept arose only 17 years after Hegel’s death. In other
words, certain kinds of social and political experiences and activities
were indeed necessary for this concept to emerge, but the relevant kind of experiences were not known to Hegel.
For Hegel, “society” was composed of people with rights and
consequently with property. The “rabble” constituted a serious social
problem, but they were not part of society. The “rabble” had no voice.
Hegel had not “forgotten” about them, far from it, but it never entered
Hegel’s mind that the problem of the rabble would be solved by the
rabble itself.
So Honneth’s observation is spot-on, but it is not just a theoretical
shortcoming or error. Until the Chartist uprisings and Parisian street
battles of the 1830s, there was no social basis for a concept of
solidarity and no basis for building the concept into a philosophy of consciousness or political philosophy.
We will return to this extremely important issue later.
I think Honneth is mistaken to so off-handedly dismiss Hegel’s
conception of the state. As a constitutional monarchy it is no more
authoritarian than modern day England. Though Hegel’s hostility to
popular suffrage would not stand up today, the system of collegial and
participatory democracy he envisaged (for male property-owners only of
course) looks good in the light of a century or two’s experience of
popular suffrage. Hegel was writing at a time when The Absolute Idea
rode around Europe on horseback (this was how Hegel described Napoleon
when he entered Jena) and the implementation of Rousseau’s social
contract in France had been very ugly. Nevertheless, on the basic point I
am in agreement: “solidarity” is a fundamental mode of interpersonal
experience which forms the basis for the development of social and
political consciousness, and the social basis for such experiences
entered the historical scene in the 1830s and 40s with the proletarian
opposition to capitalist exploitation.
7. Honneth goes on to point to
the absence of a kind of crime which would stimulate the development of
social and political mores, and that to the contrary, what Hegel
outlines is a system aimed at strengthening the capacity of every
citizen to see in the action of the State an expression of their own
will. This view is characterised as one of social conformism.
I think this is a fair characterisation of Hegel’s vision for a nation-state in which the class struggle did not exist.
Honneth pointed out that even though Hegel wanted to understand the
constitution of both the legal person and social reality as the work of
Spirit, that did not prevent him from making,
within the framework of a philosophy of consciousness, the relationships of interaction between subjects the
media
of this work. He suggests that a continuation of this logic into the
constitution of ethical community would have led to a struggle for
recognition as the formative process for social and political
consciousness based on “
solidarity”.
With some qualifications, I think Honneth is right on this. What
remains is to uncover the nature of the intersubjective experience which
constitutes solidarity, and how this relation comes to be mediated, and
the specific form of mediation characteristic of solidarity.
Mediation and the development of self-consciousness
In summary, from Honneth’s reading of the System of Ethical Life, we have learnt that: the struggle for recognition is the direct
(unmediated) confrontation between two self-consciousnesses; it’s
movement begins with a failure of recognition associated with the lack
of mediation; in the course of the struggle which results, each
self-consciousness mediates the development of the other.
1. What transformation took place in the struggle for recognition in the System of Ethical Life and the philosophy of Spirit of the mature Hegel?
2. How can we retain the
immediacy of the struggle for recognition in a conception of
communicative action which is compatible with a dialectical
consideration?
3. What can Hegel tell us about
the notion of “solidarity” as the formative experience which underlies
the development of political consciousness?
The Master-Slave Dialectic in The Phenomenology
Despite the drama and immediacy of Hegel’s master-slave
narrative, it is a story of mediation from beginning to end. The answer
to the riddle as to how two self-consciousnesses may make contact is
simply that in the first place, the two self-consciousnesses are not
differentiated at all, and in the second place that the objectification of each self-consciousness acts as the middle term for the relation of a self-consciousness with itself.
Duplicated Self-consciousness:
Thinking of this in terms of individuals or families living in a
community (or equally well, communities living in proximity without any
division of labour, exchange or unifying state, etc.), the “individuals”
concerned work cooperatively and do not differentiate themselves from
the community as a whole, there is no surplus for redistribution, no
division of labour or exchange; the others in the community are others
just like themselves, the world is organised in accord with the customs
and beliefs of their times and all act in accord with those customs and
beliefs. The self-consciousnesses are not “mediated” with each other
because they are not differentiated at all; there is in a sense only one
self-consciousness, objectified in a single, “natural” ethical life;
and everyone sees themselves in the activity of the others, and expects
others to behave as they do.
So this “embryonic” self-consciousness has a double form, one
subjective and one objective, one is self and one is other; each is both
the objectification and internalisation of the other. We have an
undifferentiated objective/subjective self-consciousness.
Hegel sums up this “Duplicated Self-Consciousness” with the following:
“The middle term is self-consciousness which breaks
itself up into extremes; ... Each is the mediating term to the other,
through which each mediates and unites itself with itself; and each is
to itself and to the other an immediate self-existing reality; which at
the same time, exists thus only through this mediation. They recognise
themselves as mutually recognising one another” [Phenomenology, § 184]
Self-consciousness in self-opposition:
The process of self-consciousness which Hegel demonstrates from here
involves “the break-up of the middle term into the extremes ... of which
one is merely recognised, while the other only recognises”.
The purpose is to logically reconstruct modernity from the
self-differentiation of “duplicated self-consciousnesses”;
phylogenetically, think of neighbouring “natural” communities coming
into relation with one another, ontogenetically, of a child developing a
personality.
Hegel claims that each self-consciousness needs to demonstrate that
“it is fettered to no determinate existence” and that “each aims at the
destruction and death of the other.” Self-consciousness enjoys
self-certainty on the basis of the other as either a duplicate of itself
or as an object, subsumed within the objectification of itself. As soon
as the other demonstrates a will of its own, the existence of a
self-consciousness is mortally threatened. There exists no basis for
cooperation of two mutually independent self-consciousnesses; each
self-consciousness should rightly feel in danger of being treated like
prey or used as a “door-mat” by the other. This mortal crisis can be
solved by reduction of the other to an object, its subordination or
death.
Viewed from the present, this seems to be an unreasonable
overstatement. But for the newly emergent self-consciousness, it is
pre-supposed that there are no laws or social customs or “civil rights”
capable of coordinating the activity of the subject with another
independent self-consciousness. This phase of the process of
self-consciousness described by Hegel ends in the destruction of one or
the other or their mutual withdrawal into indifference. That is,
“the middle term collapses into a lifeless unity which is broken up into lifeless extremes, merely existent and not opposed.”
Master-Slave: This life-and-death struggle gives rise the possibility of the subjugation
of one self-consciousness by the other — the famous Master-Slave
dialectic — in which the “master” appropriates the social surplus
produced by the “slave.”
The dominant subject is mediated with itself through the activity of
the other; “it is a consciousness existing on its own account which is
mediated with itself through another self-consciousness”; that is to
say, the objectification of the dominant subject is the labour-activity
of the other self-consciousness.
“The bondsman being a self-consciousness in the broad
sense, also takes up a negative attitude to things and cancels them; ...
but he merely works on it. ... The master, however, who has interposed
the bondsman between it and himself, thereby relates himself merely to
the dependence of the thing, and enjoys it without qualification and
reserve. The aspect of its independence he leaves to the bondsman, who
labours upon it”.
The two self-consciousnesses in the master-slave dialectic are
therefore mediated by the labour product of the slave, in a labour
process which is the material objectification of the needs of the
dominant subject. The whole dynamic of this relationship then unfolds
according to mediation by a labour process in which theory and practice
are separated into opposite poles.
In summary, in the first stage, self-consciousness is
undifferentiated and each mediates the relation of the other to itself;
in the second stage, when self-consciousness emerges in the absence of
mediation the result is either destruction of one or other
self-consciousness or their mutual repulsion; in the third stage, the
conflict is resolved by the incorporation of the dominated subject
within the labour process of the dominant subject and the appropriation
of the surplus.
It is only in this third stage that recognition is completed, albeit
one-sided and unequal. For the “independent” self-consciousness, its
truth is the activity of the unfree consciousness. “The consciousness
that toils and serves ... attains by this means the direct apprehension
of that independent being as its self. ... shaping or forming the object
has not only the positive significance that the bondsman becomes
thereby aware of himself as factually and objectively self-existent. ...
having and being a ‘mind of his own’.” The labour process is no longer
immediate and natural, but mediated through a ruling class; consumption
is no longer immediate and natural, but mediated through a process of
distribution of the social surplus.
Thus, through the last stage in this dialectic, we have the
self-consciousness of an individual really distinguished that the
community as a whole, the essential basis for the development of civil
society and rights.
I have traced the description of the “struggle for recognition” as it is found in the
Phenomenology
in order to bring out the fact that for Hegel the issue in tracing the
emergence of self-consciousness is to trace the specific forms of
mediation which can arise from the situation where there is no
self-consciousness and
no mediation, and create the pre-conditions for individualism and civil society.
The point of interest is how this particular passage of the mature
Hegelian system, with its emphasis on intersubjective action, can be
generalised as an explication of the formation of different components
of self-consciousness. I have briefly indicated above the possible
reading of the dialectic of self-consciousness in phylogenetic and
ontogenetic terms. Honneth wants a
third form which provides an insight into the basic forms of experience underlying
political consciousness.
“Self-consciousness” is a category capable of any number of
conceivable materialisations. The broadly common form is as follows: (i)
Both subjects, despite their determinate positions within the division
of labour, each see themselves in the other, any division of labour
appearing as natural and unremarkable aspects of a single culture; (ii)
the different activity of a group generates a distinct sub-culture or
subordinate consciousness, alien to the dominant culture; (iii) the
consciousness of the labourer of their mastery of the dominant culture,
the enjoyment of which they are excluded from, generates the “struggle
for recognition” as such.
Thus, while at first sight, the struggle for recognition appears to
be the direct confrontation between two self-consciousnesses, it turns
out that when the subjective and objective sides of each
self-consciousness are brought into the picture, what is going on is a
complex process of reciprocal mediation.
So how does the notion of “solidarity” fit into this picture?
Solidarity is the process of subject-formation in which a person
voluntarily places themself outside of the dominant culture to identify
with an emergent other, and conversely, where a subject (willingly or
not) in conflict with the dominant power experiences others “standing up
to be counted” alongside them. What is essential to the process of
solidarity is that those giving solidarity
risk their lives under conditions when they
could stay with the dominant power, and those receiving solidarity are
already fighting.
I agree with Honneth that solidarity is a key concept, amenable to
understanding in terms of the Hegelian “struggle for recognition”, which
forms the formative experience for political (rather than
administrative) consciousness. My qualification though is that there is
an essential mode of mediation involved in the process of solidarity,
namely the struggle for survival of the first subject. It is by people
voluntarily joining the struggle
that solidarity comes about. The individual who is fighting for their
life does not know about solidarity so long as they are joined only by
others who likewise have no choice but to fight. Political consciousness
arises when aid comes from an ‘unexpected’ quarter.
How does this conception of ‘solidarity’ square with Honneth’s demand that the young Hegel
could have
used it to conceptualise the formation of the state? Perhaps a
different word should be used, but it seems to me that ‘solidarity’ has
nothing to do with the formation of a bourgeois state. Hegel saw the
state as mediating conflicts between the various estates and industries
in civil society, but I don’t know that ‘solidarity’ is the right word
for this process.
Conclusion
The “struggle for recognition” as a conception of social
development in terms of intersubjectivity has the potential for
application to the understanding of social and political development.
The struggle for recognition, as described by Hegel, is never a binary
relationship however, it represents an approach to intersubjectivity
which explores how subjects mediate the relationships between each other
and themselves.
An exploration of the struggle for recognition as an approach to
political consciousness formation through solidarity should be fruitful,
provided use is made of the concepts of mediation we can learn from the
mature Hegel.